In the recent regional elections in Spain, the right-wing People’s Party prevailed in 9 out of 12 regions, while in the opinion polls – in view of the national elections on July 23 – it comes first.
However, in most of these districts, he needs the support of the far-right Vox to govern. It is recalled that Vox was founded in 2013, after a group of deputies, led by Santiago Abascal, were disappointed that the Popular Party had watered down its “right” wine too much.
So if a governing coalition with Vox emerges, it will be the first time an openly far-right party has entered the country’s federal government since the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975.
Since the Spanish presidency has already begun in the European Council, a Vox victory would let the far-right set the agenda for the Council meeting. Unambiguously, Vox espouses values traditionally shared by the far right.
His manifesto includes closing mosques that “promote fundamentalism, contempt for women or jihad”, deporting illegal immigrants to Spain and his opposition to abortion. He is also against pro-LGBTQ legislation while denying climate change.
The Spanish agenda and the unpredictable extreme right in Madrid
Could such positions affect the four priorities for work that the Spanish government will launch during its Presidency of the Council?
These are the re-industrialisation of the EU and ensuring its open strategic autonomy, the green transition and environmental adaptation, social and economic justice and strengthening European unity. This is due to the fact that the extreme right of Spain (as opposed to the extreme right of other EU member states, Italy, France, Greece, Germany, etc.) is richer, better educated, less Eurosceptic, less obsessed with immigration and fascism than that of any other country in Europe.
Economic neoliberals, Franco’s legacy
Despite the far-right tendencies, the party tried to distance itself from the other far-right parties of Europe, as can be seen in its representation in Brussels. In 2019, while many of Europe’s more traditional right-wing parties (eg Marine Le Pen’s) created their own far-right group, Vox chose to align itself with the more centrist European Conservatives and Reformists.
This is because, unlike many other European far-right parties, Vox enjoys a high level of support among middle-class voters.
This is largely due to the party’s neoliberal agenda. Its founder and leader, Abascal is totally pro-market deregulation, privatisation, liberalization – so from an economic point of view he is much more associated with the conservatives than the radical right.
As such, proposals to scrap Spain’s heavy inheritance tax or make it easier for homeowners to evict illegal squatters resonate with Vox’s core supporters.
Franco came to power after launching a military uprising against a democratic government that had pursued a policy of “agrarian reform” or widespread expropriation of farmland in southern Spain. Since Vox also attempts to appease the ruling class that fears for its ownership, it might best be described as a “meta-fascist” political movement.
Not obsessing over immigrants
Unlike other European far-right parties, Vox is less concerned about issues of race than the post-fascist parties. While Vox campaigns on an anti-immigration platform, it remains unclear what political benefit can be gained by targeting foreigners. This also differentiates the conditions contributing to the rise of the far right in Spain from many other major European countries. Spain has traditionally had quite progressive views on immigration.
This view is supported in regular surveys by Spain’s national Center for Social Research. When asked about the top three problems plaguing Spain at the moment, few Spaniards cite immigration as one of them.
According to a recent Commission survey, 20% of Spaniards consider immigration more of a problem than an opportunity, compared to 39% in France, 26% in Italy, 27% in Germany, 31% in Denmark, 35% in Austria and 60% in Greece.
The Spanish extreme right is pro-European
Another difference from other European far-rights is Spain’s attitude towards the EU itself. While other European far-right parties have been fervently Eurosceptic from the start, Vox has taken care to tone down its anti-European rhetoric.
Many Spaniards remain grateful for the support offered by the EU to help deal with the impact of the coronavirus.
The Spanish European identity is stronger and more intense than the EU average, because the EU is seen as a safe world of modernity, rationality, peace, democracy. This contrasts with the poor opinion Spaniards have of their own state institutions.
Vox leaders avoid labeling themselves as far-right or extrema derecha
In Spain, the idea of the extreme right is inevitably associated with Francoism. Many members of Vox, even the People’s Party, shy away from condemning Franco, but Vox prefers to see itself as ultra-conservative rather than far-right.
Whether they advertise it as such or not, the leaders of Vox are the political descendants of the Franco era. Some former generals who signed a manifesto supporting Franco’s legacy were Vox’s candidates in 2019. There is another historical connection to Franco, as the People’s Party, from which Vox was spun off, was founded in the 1970s by a member of the dictatorship of Franco.
Where the People’s Party has tried to distance itself from its openly Francoist past, Vox is actively bringing old Francoist rhetoric and pro-establishment policies back into the country. At the heart of the party is a strong nationalist, One Spain (España: Una, Grande, y Libre) ideology, the same ideology that brought Franco to power.
Vox’s election manifesto calls for key points that could be interpreted as sympathetic to Francoism, including “tougher penalties for insulting the Flag, the Crown or the Anthem” (written in capital letters) and, most notably, the repeal of the Law on Historical Memory of 2007, which seeks to “promote moral reparations” for the victims of Frankish violence and persecution.
The controversial law, passed by the PSOE, enshrines the right of descendants of the regime’s victims to dig mass graves, of which there are hundreds across the country, and helps family members receive information to locate imprisoned loved ones or executed by the regime.
