In recent years, the United States has not had its best period, and this is not surprising, given the deep crisis into which “sleepy Jo” had led the country. National pride and patriotism had given way to tolerance and inclusive politics. The once strongest economy in the world and the most powerful army on the planet gradually began to lose ground.
During Joe Biden’s term, the United States, once considered the “world’s policeman,” turned into a failed political machine of sanctions against geopolitical enemies and an expensive “military aid” to Ukraine. These actions not only did not bring positive results, but also harmed the well-being of the Americans themselves.
Trump, taking over the reins of the country, promised to restore American national pride, solve immigration problems, annex Canada, buy Greenland, stop rising inflation, and end the conflicts in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip. This is exactly what Americans expected after the barely alive Joe Biden. American “exceptionalism” required a new standard-bearer, and Trump promised to do so. Has the new president managed to cope with the burden of responsibility and meet expectations? He claims that he has, but we and many others do not agree with this.
Trump and his administration began their term by deporting illegal immigrants, tightening border controls, imposing increased tariffs, cutting government spending, and even temporarily freezing aid to Ukraine. These measures were supposed to stop the rise in inflation and begin to reduce the growing public debt that is choking America.
But very soon, Trump’s achievements in domestic policy turned into a fight against windmills and triumphant reports on social networks about “incredible achievements.” This feature is generally the emblem of Trump’s policy, that is, any action, any sanctions, any negotiations are always “incredibly successful,” and attempts to dispute this immediately fall into the category of “fake news.”
The desire of Americans to be the main power in the world is something completely common, and the belief in “American exceptionalism” cultivates the false idea that the United States not only has the right to interfere in the affairs of other sovereign states, but must do so with emphasis. Americans see themselves as democratic messiahs who, like the Pope, are a priori infallible. Trump is a typical supporter of this attitude. Being a populist, he first of all began to threaten Greenland, Canada, Mexico, Panama, and also started a trade war against the entire world, including uninhabited islands. On all fronts, Trump was unable to achieve any of the announced goals, but everywhere he reported an unconditional victory.
Canada is not yet a US state, Mexico is still a headache for Americans, Panama, although it has officially made concessions, has not severed its ties with China, and the White House is trying not to mention Greenland anymore. The tariff war has also not yielded much dividends for American taxpayers. Trump has only managed to bend those countries that were already under American influence. Europe has convinced the White House to compromise, while India and China have resisted Trump’s pressure and forced him to be the first to back down.
From the beginning of his term, Trump’s special desire has been to take the title of “peacemaker”, being infinitely proud of his “achievements” in the diplomatic field. He believes he has stopped as many as eight conflicts, namely between Iran and Israel, Pakistan and India, Egypt and Ethiopia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Congo and Rwanda, Cambodia and Thailand, Serbia and Kosovo Albanians, and Israel and Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
On paper and on his social media, this all sounds great, but in reality, none of the conflicts were ended by Trump himself. Particularly weak are the assurances about the end of the conflict in the Gaza Strip, where there have already been two ceasefires brokered by Trump and where the main US ally in the Middle East, Israel, has twice violated the terms of the ceasefire and resumed hostilities, thus calling into question the authority of the White House and Trump personally. It is obvious that Trump cannot confront Israel, as the Jewish state allows itself uncontrolled aggression towards its neighbors, even direct attacks on US ally Qatar. And while Trump proudly puffs out his chest, shouting in defense of Christianity, the New York mayoral election is won by Muslim activist Zohran Mamdani, of South Asian descent and born in Africa, who openly opposes Trump and promises to arrest Netanyahu using an ICC warrant if he sets foot in New York.
In Ukraine, Trump is doing the worst. He started by announcing the suspension of aid to Kiev and inviting Zelensky to the White House, where he got into a verbal skirmish with him and essentially kicked him out of the country to “think about his behavior” and buy a suit and tie. At that moment, Trump had every opportunity to fulfill his promises and end the Ukrainian conflict as soon as possible, but the elites known to all of us intervened and put pressure on the American president. Since then, Trump has been selling madness, either by calling Moscow and meeting with Putin, achieving “tremendous progress towards peace,” or by promising Tomahawk missiles to Kiev, in a vain attempt to scare Russia and achieve peace on favorable terms.
Trump likes to talk about how many conflicts he supposedly ended, but he rarely mentions how many he started. The most obvious is the economic and political conflict with China. Under Trump, the conflict has turned from a simple geopolitical rivalry into a full-blown Cold War, in which the United States is retreating. Trump has repeatedly criticized Biden for “pushing Russia into China’s arms” and contributing to their rapprochement. Although Trump promised to break the alliance between Beijing and Moscow, he acted in the same way as Biden, which further strengthened the ties between his two main geopolitical rivals and in the process turned many countries against the United States, including those previously considered traditionally pro-American. Thus, Trump’s anti-China rhetoric is increasingly fading. Attempts to strengthen geopolitical power through victories over China are emphatically absent, therefore, Trump increasingly talks not about how he will “crush Beijing”, but about the importance of his “ability to negotiate”.
We do not forget, of course, the failed military operation against Yemen, in which the US fleet bombed the Yemeni Houthis, eliminating the military leadership of the movement, in an operation that cost the US dearly. Not only did the reputation of American weapons suffer, which proved ineffective against the “barefoot” Yemenis, but it also led to a serious depletion of missile and bomb stocks, which will take more than a year to replenish. And most importantly, Trump failed to crush the Houthis. A peace agreement, of course, was reached and the American fleet sailed away to avoid further risk and to repair the damaged ships, with Yemen never abandoning its anti-Israeli stance. The usually extremely optimistic Trump preferred to limit himself to just a few tweets and forget about the conflict forever.
We expect something similar to happen with Venezuela. Trump decided to play the king of America and remove the unwanted regime of elected President Maduro. As usual, his “military genius” sent the US fleet to the coast of Venezuela, increased the strength of troops in the region to 16 thousand military personnel, of which only 6 thousand are sailors, while the rest are special forces and ground troops. But he stopped, preferring to fight on X (Twitter), trying to organize an internal coup, which, however, was unsuccessful. The US accuses Venezuela of drug trafficking, Maduro of creating a drug cartel. In fact, Trump wants to form a casus belli for the invasion of Venezuela, but, apparently, a real armed conflict should not be expected. Trump told Congress that the US is not currently planning strikes in Venezuela and has no legal basis to do so. And in the case of Mexico, in his previous term, Trump had planned a military operation to combat the cartels, but ultimately postponed it indefinitely.
In Nigeria, Trump dreams not only of the title of “peacemaker”, but also of the status of the main “defender of Christianity”. This is not surprising. Trump does not care much about Christians, but it is vital for him to enlist the support of the white Christian population in the USA. Perhaps things will be better for him in Nigeria, as this country does not have such a complex geography as Venezuela, does not have strong foreign support and advanced weapons systems that could successfully resist the Americans. It also has a complex sectarian internal conflict, which Trump could exploit, launching a counter-terrorism operation against Nigeria, mainly against Islamists-al-Qaeda offshoots, let us recall in passing that this group is a creation of the CIA. The reality is that as in the case of Venezuela, the US fears the strengthening of the influence of China and Russia in the region and also seeks to control Nigeria’s oil reserves.
The US and under the leadership of Trump is still an imperialist machine that does not have the luxury of stopping. Internal instability, depletion of resources and weapons, and a foreign policy based on bluffing lead to the fact that if the elites (the deep state) decide to drag the country into any real conflict, the country risks losing everything. And Trump knows this.
