The Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, are a Shia-oriented Islamist organization, specifically Zaidi, that operates as an armed militia and political movement in Yemen. They were founded in the early 1990s by Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, a religious leader who opposed the central government of Yemen and the growing influence of Saudi Arabia in the country.
Initially, the movement began as a form of protest against the economic and political marginalization of the Zaidi Shia minority in northern Yemen, particularly in the Saada region, where Zaidis are the majority. Over the years, it has evolved into a powerful military force, adopting an ideology that combines religious fanaticism, anti-Western and anti-Israeli slogans, such as their famous slogan “Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews”.
The Houthis are designated by many countries and international organizations as a terrorist organization, due to their attacks on civilian and military targets, their use of asymmetric tactics such as ballistic missiles, drones and naval attacks, as well as accusations of human rights violations, such as the recruitment of child soldiers, the repression of dissent and discrimination against Sunnis. The United States has designated them as a Foreign Terrorist Organization since 2021, with a renewal in 2024, while similar designations have been made by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab countries.
Their ideology is based on anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist messages, with close ties to Iran, which provides them with weapons, training, technology and financial support, making them part of the so-called “axis of resistance” that includes Hezbollah and other groups. The Houthis have controlled much of northern Yemen since 2014, when they seized the capital Sanaa in an uprising against the internationally recognized government of President Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi.
This occupation triggered a long-running civil war, in which the Houthis consolidated their control over areas such as Sanaa, the port of Hodeidah and other northern provinces, where about 70% of Yemen’s population lives. They operate a parallel system of governance, with their own “Supreme Political Council”, “prime minister” and “ministers”, and have created military structures to defend their territories from attacks by the Saudi-led coalition and other forces.
Their control is based on a combination of military power, ideological propaganda, alliances with local tribes and control of critical infrastructure such as ports and oil fields, which they use for arms imports and economic survival. They have been accused of widespread violations, such as bombing of political targets, food and water blockades in rival areas, and the use of landmines, while the international community has condemned the use of children in fighting and the oppression of minorities.
The Houthis’ history dates back to uprisings in 2004 against the government of Ali Abdullah Saleh, with six wars until 2010, during which founder Hussein al-Houthi was killed. After his death, leadership passed to his brother Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who led the movement to greater radicalization, inspired by Hezbollah. In 2011, they participated in the Arab Spring, working with other groups against Saleh, but later rejected the agreements and temporarily allied with him to seize power in 2014. Since then, they have de facto controlled a state within a state, with their own army estimated at tens of thousands of fighters, and have developed advanced weapons systems thanks to Iranian assistance, such as ballistic missiles capable of reaching thousands of kilometers.
The conflict between Israel and the Houthis has intensified in recent years, with the Houthis being an extension of the Iranian threat. The Houthis have launched attacks on Israeli targets since October 2023, in a show of solidarity with Hamas during the war in Gaza, launching ballistic missiles, drones, and cruise missiles. By January 2025, they had launched over 40 missiles and dozens of drones, with most being intercepted by Israeli defense systems such as Iron Dome, Arrow, and David’s Sling, but some causing damage, such as an attack in July 2024 that killed a civilian in Tel Aviv.
Following a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in January 2025, the attacks temporarily stopped, but resumed in March 2025, when Israel resumed operations in Gaza. Since then, the Houthis have fired 72 ballistic missiles and at least 23 drones at Israel, with many falling shortly due to technical problems, but others causing alarms in cities such as Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.
The Houthis use asymmetric attack tactics, exploiting the 2,000 km distance between Yemen and Israel, and rely on Iranian technology for missiles such as the Quds and Shahed drones. Israel has responded with more than 20 airstrikes since mid-2024, targeting Houthi infrastructure, ports, power plants, and leadership, in coordination with a US-led international coalition. These attacks have included heavy strikes on ports such as Hodeidah, airports, and weapons depots, with the aim of disrupting Iranian arms supplies and reducing the Houthi’s ability to strike.
The recent attacks of August 2025 are the culmination of this conflict. They began on August 24, when Israeli warplanes struck Houthi targets near Sanaa in retaliation for earlier missile and drone attacks. This attack destroyed weapons depots and military installations, with the aircraft flying over 2,000 kilometers and dropping dozens of precision-guided munitions.
Another operation followed on August 25, targeting power plants and military centers in the Sanaa area, damaging infrastructure used to produce missiles and drones. The climax came on August 28, when the IDF carried out a major airstrike against a military facility outside Sanaa where senior Houthi officials had gathered to listen to a speech by leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi.
This attack resulted in the death of the Houthi “prime minister,” Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi, also known as Ahmed al-Rahawi, who had been head of the “government” since 2022 and was responsible for administrative and military matters, a close associate of Abdul-Malik al-Houthi. He was also killed by the “defense minister,” Muhammad Nasser al-Attafi, who had held the position since 2016 and was responsible for coordinating military operations, missile attacks, and relations with Iran, as well as the chief of staff, Muhammad Al-Ghamari, who was responsible for training fighters, developing weapons systems, and logistics (see photo at the beginning of the analysis).
The IDF estimates that up to a dozen other members of the “council of ministers,” including “ministers” for economy, foreign affairs and other sectors, who had a role in procuring weapons from Iran and organizing attacks, were killed. The Houthis confirmed the losses via a television statement and their Al-Masirah channel, while Israel described the operation as a targeted response to two drones launched earlier in the day, triggering alarms in Israel.
The IDF used deception tactics in these attacks, leading the Houthis to believe that Israel lacked reliable intelligence or the capability to strike leaders from afar, so they relaxed their defenses and concentrated without much vigilance. The operations involved more than 10 fighter jets, mostly F-15Is, which flew for hours on air refueling, covering a distance of more than 2,000 kilometers and dropping approximately 35 smart precision weapons. These weapons, guided by satellite technology and GPS, allowed strikes from high altitudes without risk to the aircraft, minimizing collateral damage and maximizing accuracy.
In previous attacks, such as in May 2025, over 30 aircraft with at least 50 smart weapons were used, targeting nine targets, while in other cases, such as in July 2025, Israeli drones contributed to strikes against infrastructure such as the port of Hodeidah. The pilots were specially trained for such long-range missions, with photographs showing fighter preparations, and monitoring was done in real time via satellites and information from partners on the ground. This approach is reminiscent of previous Israeli operations against Hezbollah or Hamas, where deception and precision were keys to their success.
The loss of Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi and his associates creates a significant gap in the Houthi leadership, as he was responsible for the day-to-day running of the “government”, relations with Iran, and the financial management of controlled areas. Muhammad Nasser al-Attafi had organized numerous drone and missile attacks, including those that used cluster munitions for the first time against Israel in August 2025, while Muhammad Al-Ghamari managed the logistical support of the Houthi fighters, and had been injured in a previous attack in June.
The Houthis, despite their losses, continue to control Sanaa and the northern regions, using tribal alliances and Iranian support to maintain their power, but these attacks show their vulnerability to air strikes. Israel, with these operations, once again demonstrates its ability to strike distant targets, exploiting advanced technology and all kinds of information, and is increasingly turning to targeted strikes on leaders, in contrast to previous ones that focused mainly on infrastructure.
The Houthis have a history of conflict since 2004, with uprisings against the Saleh government, and since 2014 have been involved in naval attacks in the Red Sea, hitting ships and causing disruptions to global trade. As a terrorist organization, they have killed civilians in Saudi Arabia and Yemen, and their designation is based on such actions. Israel sees the Houthis as part of the Iranian threat, and the August attacks are aimed at disrupting that chain, with aircraft covering long distances and smart weapons ensuring effectiveness. On August 28, the attack lasted for hours, with weapons hitting the facility precisely during a speech, without Abdul-Malik al-Houthi showing any knowledge. The Houthis responded with missiles on August 30, but Israel reinforced defenses, showing how the dynamics are evolving into a war of distance.
