It was the big comeback. And at the same time the great setback. After a prolonged period of political crisis and back-to-back elections, largely due to the difficulty of forming a stable coalition of forces against him, Benjamin Netanyahu is once again prime minister of Israel. Hoping, among other things, that this way he will definitively get rid of the criminal cases against him.
This time with a government even more right-wing than the previous ones, with the most typical example being the upgraded role of the new Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, head of the far-right and fanatically anti-Arab party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power), a politician who in his youth did not he was allowed to serve in the Israeli armed forces because he was suspected of having far-right terrorist “sympathies”.
A government determined to implement not a line of solving the Palestinian problem, based on some variant of a two-state solution, but “in practice” by expanding and fully legalizing (and formally) the illegal settlement of the West Bank.
After all, on the eve of the inauguration of the new government, Netanyahu hastened to tweet his “line” so that there would be no misunderstandings: “The Jewish people have an exclusive and indisputable right to all areas of the Land of Israel. The government will promote and develop settlements in all parts of the Land of Israel – in the Galilee, the Negev, the Golan Heights, Judea and Samaria.” We remind you that before this long cycle of political crisis began, Netanyahu had announced the annexation of essentially a large part of the Occupied West Bank.
The Palestinian flag in the crosshairs
Ben-Gvir was also quick to make his mark with his visit to the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, a move that the Palestinian Authority described as an “invasion”, a gesture for which Israel was criticized in the Security Council even by the US , although the Netanyahu side insisted that the “visit” did not violate the special regime around Al-Aqsa, as long as it remained outdoors and did not include prayer. But, in the eyes of the Palestinians, it was a gross insult.
Nor is it a coincidence that Ben-Gvir has called for the use of the Palestinian flag inside Israel to be significantly curtailed. We note that typically the Palestinian flag (which is also the “identity” flag of the Arab citizens of Israel, i.e. the Palestinians within the 1948 borders), is only prohibited when it is considered an incitement to violence and terrorism. Ben-Gvir is particularly bothered by the use of the Palestinian flag in demonstrations and is part of his line for an even more authoritarian treatment of Israel’s Arab citizens as well.
In the same context, the bans against members of the Palestinian Authority and the strong reactions to the resolution of the UN General Assembly that asks the International Criminal Court to investigate human rights violations in the West Bank.
The normalization of relations with the Gulf monarchies, without resolving the Palestinian issue
Netanyahu appears to be returning to the policy he tried to implement in the last phase of his administration. This is a two-pronged policy. On the one hand, the acceleration of settlements and the de facto (prospective and de jure) annexation of a large part of the West Bank to Israel. That is, a policy that means no prospect of a solution to the Palestinian issue and treating the Palestinians as cheap labor without many rights. On the other hand, an effort to normalize relations with the Gulf monarchies. There are already two “Abraham Agreements”, the one with the UAE and the one with Bahrain, agreements to restore diplomatic relations, while a similar one also exists with Morocco. These agreements, which had the support of the American government and especially Donald Trump, and marked the first major attempt in a long time to “normalize” without a solution to the Palestinian issue. However, the deal with Saudi Arabia was pending, although Riyadh had not expressed open objections. After all, “normalization” opens various avenues of economic cooperation, while it also involves the prospect of an “anti-Iranian” front.
All this was based on the assessment that the Palestinian issue, with its leadership divided and in crisis, can no longer inspire Arab and Muslim public opinion in the same way.
Certainly, the experience at the recent World Cup in Qatar probably showed that the Palestinian remains an issue that moves and unites Arab public opinion, judging by the way the displays of the Palestinian flag were celebrated or the way Israeli journalists covered the pro-Palestinian events. of the spectators. Just think how common it was in those days for both fans and players (eg the Moroccan national team) to be photographed holding the Palestinian flag.
But the participation of politicians like Ben-Gvir in the government, and with actions such as refusing to comply with the demolition of the illegal Khomes settlement in the West Bank demanded by the Israeli courts, will make it difficult to move quickly towards a rapprochement with Riyadh, at a time when even the US is reacting.
The impasse is present
Netanyahu, throughout his political career, has shown himself to be particularly adept at managing a protracted stalemate, investing in anti-Arab nationalism, siding with the far right and the settlers, and undermining any possibility of a solution.
Only this foreshadows future, even more dramatic crises. It is enough to think that in the total area “between the river (Jordan) and the Sea” which coincides to some extent with the Land of Israel but also with “Historic Palestine”, the entire area of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza , currently, based on Israeli statistics, there are approximately equal numbers of Jews and Arabs.
