{"id":29211,"date":"2026-05-28T20:05:35","date_gmt":"2026-05-28T17:05:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.liberalglobe.com\/?p=29211"},"modified":"2026-05-28T20:05:35","modified_gmt":"2026-05-28T17:05:35","slug":"the-caspian-sea-is-now-the-untouchable-trade-corridor-between-iran-and-russia-from-the-west","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.liberalglobe.com\/?p=29211","title":{"rendered":"The Caspian Sea is now the untouchable trade corridor between Iran and Russia from the West"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The pressure of war against Iran has always been mapped from the south. American bases surround the Persian Gulf, Israeli intelligence services penetrate the region through Azerbaijan and other channels, and Washington\u2019s naval power has long regarded the narrow passages around Iran as a key point of pressure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the more the US-Israel axis relies on the Persian Gulf, the more Tehran\u2019s strategic depth shifts north, into a closed water zone that Westerners cannot easily dominate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Caspian Sea now assumes particular importance because it offers Iran and Russia something that both countries urgently need: a direct and politically controlled route, out of reach of hostile land corridors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Land-based trade routes pass through states that either align with Washington or are unwilling to risk secondary US sanctions. In contrast, the Caspian connects the two countries directly without the presence of a third \u201cgatekeeper\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of course, even ships in the Caspian could be attacked by drones or missiles. But for that to happen, a much deeper military penetration into Iranian territory would be required, which would entail the risk of direct confrontation with Russia. In the short term, the Caspian Sea offers Tehran a reliable supply line.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russia\u2019s key corridor to West Asia and India. In the long term, it could further enhance Iran-Russia economic integration and develop into a key corridor connecting Russia to West Asia, India and the rest of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is the Caspian really a \u201csea\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The question is not at all theoretical. If it is considered a sea, then it is subject to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), according to which national sovereignty extends 12 nautical miles from the coast and beyond this limit freedom of navigation applies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In contrast, if it is considered a lake, the borders are determined exclusively by mutual agreements of the adjacent states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Until 1991, only two states were bordered by the Caspian: Iran and the Soviet Union. The Russo-Persian Treaty of Friendship of 1921 prohibited the presence of third countries in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, three new states gained access to the Caspian: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The former Soviet republics challenged the 1921 treaty and demanded new negotiations that would also take into account international law of the sea.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All the former Soviet republics \u2014 including Russia \u2014 wanted the Caspian to be considered a sea. Iran, however, was opposed, because its smaller coastline would clearly give it limited maritime jurisdiction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Furthermore, the implementation of UNCLOS could allow the presence of foreign warships as little as 12 miles from the Iranian coast.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Tehran, this was not a hypothetical scenario, especially given Azerbaijan\u2019s close relationship with Israel. If Azerbaijan were to host Israeli naval forces, Tel Aviv could theoretically open a new front in northern Iran.<\/p>\n\n\n

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<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The failure to reach a consensus has kept the legal status of the Caspian unclear for years, limiting the potential for economic integration in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For example, the proposed Trans-Caspian Pipeline, which would connect Turkmenistan with Azerbaijan and transport oil and gas from Central Asia to Europe, has stalled due to uncertainty over ownership of the seabed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in 2018, the five littoral states reached an agreement. The Caspian was designated neither a lake nor a sea, but a single body of water governed by the \u201cConvention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similar to UNCLOS, each state was granted 15-mile territorial waters and an additional 10-mile fishing zone. The rest of the area remained common, and states had the right to lay undersea pipelines and cables. However, unlike UNCLOS, states that are not parties to the agreement are prohibited from deploying military ships in the Caspian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, although Iran did not achieve the full characterization of the Caspian as a lake, it secured its most important strategic objective: the exclusion of foreign military forces. The treaty created a framework for cooperation between the littoral states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, for Iran-Russia relations, the Caspian remained underutilized as long as land routes were available. After deepening cooperation in Syria, Moscow proposed in 2013 the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a network of pipelines, railways, and highways connecting Russia via Azerbaijan to Iran and then to India and other markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But everything changed after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Although Azerbaijan did not impose sanctions on Russia, it provided humanitarian aid to Ukraine and publicly expressed support for its territorial integrity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, Iran-Russia cooperation accelerated significantly. Moscow, now under sanctions like Tehran, no longer had reason to limit its trade relations with Iran. In addition, Russia needed new military suppliers, and Iranian drones proved particularly effective on the Ukrainian front.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, the Caspian Sea became an ideal alternative route. It is located almost 1,000 kilometers from the Ukrainian front and provides a relatively safe and discreet route for the transport of weapons and equipment from Iran to Russia. In return, Moscow increased its exports of goods to Tehran.<\/p>\n\n\n

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<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2022, the Iranian port of Noshahr welcomed the first Russian cargo ship in 21 years. That same year, Iranian and Russian shipping companies joined forces to create a new organization that will develop the INSTC.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By 2025, cargo traffic at Iran\u2019s Anzali port had increased by 56%. Following the US-Israeli war against Iran, Washington effectively imposed a blockade on the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Land transport has also become more dangerous, as neighboring states such as Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Turkey maintain close relations with the United States. As a result, the Caspian has taken on even greater importance, this time with a reverse flow: from Russia to Iran.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Drones have already proven critical for Russia in Ukraine, and have helped Iran strike US military installations in West Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, Russian ships have reportedly been transporting essential goods and food to support the Iranian population against the blockade.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The United States and Israel could theoretically attack ships or ports in the Caspian. However, the risks are particularly high.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Caspian is far from US and Israeli military bases in the Persian Gulf, and any attack on Iranian targets there carries a serious risk of direct Russian involvement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This became clear after the confirmed Israeli attacks on Bandar Anzali in March 2026. Bandar Anzali is the largest Iranian port in the Caspian and a key commercial and military hub on the route used by Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Expansion of the War<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said the attacks had harmed \u201cthe economic interests of Russia and other regional countries\u201d and warned that such \u201creckless and irresponsible actions\u201d risked expanding the war in the Caspian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sergei Lavrov issued a similar warning after talks with his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi, while Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Russia would \u201cextremely negatively\u201d view any expansion of the war in the Caspian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For his part, Abbas Araghchi said the attacks on Bandar Anzali seriously endangered the security and stability of the Caspian Sea and called on all littoral states to adopt a \u201cfirm and united stance\u201d against destabilizing actions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The message was clear: once the war reached Iran\u2019s northern shores, it also affected the interests of all the states that depend on keeping the Caspian out of the US-Israeli conflict zone.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even after the war is over, the Caspian will remain strategically crucial for both Russia and Iran. Moscow has long seen the INSTC as a way to connect to India bypassing Europe. In today\u2019s climate of sanctions, geopolitical pressure, and broader \u201cAtlantic containment,\u201d this plan takes on even greater significance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A key artery of a multipolar world<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

If sanctions are lifted in the future and India moves further away from Western dependence, this corridor could become a key artery of a multipolar world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would give Russia access to the Indian Ocean, elevate Iran to a central hub of Eurasian trade, and weaken the United States\u2019 ability to isolate the two states through naval pressure and financial coercion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite its advantages, the Caspian has been slow to gain the geopolitical weight it has today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Its legal status was only clarified in 2018, and until the war in Ukraine, land routes still seemed viable. But as Moscow and Tehran deepen their cooperation in an increasingly hostile international environment, the Caspian is no longer a secondary route. It is gradually becoming one of the silent pillars of the Eurasian response to American hegemony.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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