In some countries the habits of the past are hard to forget. Since the beginning of its post-colonial history, Sudan has been dominated by bloody coups and military interference in the country’s governance. Since Nimeiri’s time in the mid-1960s, military governments have been commonplace. So much so that the frequent changes in power left the citizens relatively indifferent. It is no coincidence that the humorous story about a resident of Khartoum who every time the radio interrupted its program and played military marches, went out into the street celebrating in front of the passing tanks. When asked why he celebrated for the different government each time, he answered that his mother was the country and her “lover” (dictator) his father!<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The concern of every Sudanese boss was not to satisfy and take care of the residents but to neutralize military mobilizations against him. For more than 15 years, the extreme Islamist president Al-Bashir had taken care to create a paramilitary organization, the Janjaweed, which he had unleashed against the Darfur rebels at the time. After the creation of South Sudan these bloody Arab paramilitaries were renamed the Rapid Support Force (RSF) and acquired an autonomous military status. Led by Mohamed Hamdan Daghalo, the RSF was used by President Al-Bashir as a counterweight to the force of the Sudanese Army (SAF) so that there would not be a force capable of toppling him on its own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
But after the popular mobilizations of 2019, it was clear that the “political”, Islamist in reality, government of Al-Bashir could not survive. The army then, under the leadership of General Abdel Fattah Al Buran, allied with the RSF under Mohamed Dagalo or Hemedi, as he is known, and they overthrew the Islamists by creating a mixed military and civilian formation. In 2021, however, this scheme, under the weight of many reactions and native weaknesses, could not survive and collapsed. An all-military government with Al-Buran (SAF) as president and Hemedi (RSF) as vice-president assumed power with the theoretical aim of handing the country over to civilian leadership and smoothly integrating the RSF into the regular Sudanese armed forces. Very quickly, however, their differences began to surface.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The country’s social elite sided with Al Buran, who began to promote Islamist elements, while accusing the RSF of provincialism, violence against opponents and outdated ideas. Hemedy again realized that the president’s companions were undermining and undermining him. The reinstatement of many associates of the Islamist President Al-Bashir has created new tensions, driving relations between the two camps to extremes. At the same time, the RSF spread to the provinces of Sudan, creating nuclei and gaining military experience by getting involved in regional conflicts outside the borders (Yemen, Libya, etc.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The final open conflict erupted in the last week. The prospects for a quick peace are not many, since both camps do not hesitate in the face of atrocities and whose leaderships are fighting not only for power but also for the preservation of their properties. The main losers, of course, are the civilians, who fall victim to ruthless massacres.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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